Compared with the Bush
administration, Obama officials
have substantially cut back on
job-site roundups of illegal
workers in favor of less
controversial measures, such as
auditing employers' books and
expanding programs that target
unauthorized immigrants.
Obama officials have not
halted work-site roundups
altogether, and their other
enforcement programs continue to
sweep up tens of thousands of
non-criminal illegal immigrants.
This has fueled a growing sense
of betrayal among many Hispanics
who voted for the president.
Hispanic Criticism of
deportationsAmong the
advocates, much of the
frustration stems from the
stalled effort to legalize
unauthorized immigrants as well
as gnawing doubts about the
president's commitment to push
it through Congress this year.
But perhaps no aspect of the
immigration issue arouses more
passion than the
administration's enforcement
record, because it is the one
area over which the president
has full control.
"When Obama said during the
campaign it's un-American to
tear a mother from her child, we
believed him," said Angelica
Salas, executive director of the
Coalition for Humane Immigrant
Rights of Los Angeles, which has
brought several hundred
protesters to Washington. "We
never imagined a year later,
we'd be denouncing his
administration for surpassing
the Bush administration on
enforcement."
In recent months, a drumbeat
of reports about small-scale
work-site raids by ICE,
including an operation targeting
two Maryland restaurants last
week in which agents arrested 29
foreigners, has also displayed
the extent to which such actions
still take place.
A recent government report
that grossly overstated the rate
of deportations didn't help
matters, asserting deportations
were up 47 percent in Obama's
first year. This month,
immigrant advocates seized on
that statistic at a Washington
news conference.
But as ICE officials
clarified that day, deportations
have increased by 5 percent,
reaching 387,790 removals in
fiscal year 2010. The increase
in removals is due to a 19
percent rise in deportation of
criminal immigrants, but
two-thirds of those removed were
still non-criminals, and the
total reached a record high.
Fugitive operationsThe
record of ICE's fugitive
operations teams is mixed. The
teams, which search for illegal
immigrants who have evaded
deportation orders, have long
been criticized for bursting
into the homes of non-criminal
immigrants instead of targeting
dangerous criminals. Under
Obama, the share of criminal
immigrants arrested through
fugitive operations increased
from less than a fourth to
nearly half. Yet non-criminal
immigrants continue to account
for the majority of arrests,
numbering nearly 20,000.
Immigrant advocates have also
expressed strong reservations
about the administration's shift
toward auditing company
employment records. The number
of such audits nearly doubled in
the fiscal 2010, to 1,444, with
52 companies fined for employing
illegal workers.
Even programs that would
appear to focus on criminal
illegal immigrants have aroused
the ire of immigrant advocates.
They note that under the
Criminal Alien Program, in which
ICE agents visit prisons to
identify illegal immigrants,
more than half of the 232,796
immigrants targeted for
deportation in fiscal 2010 were
non-criminals.
Most contentious is a program
that deputizes local law
enforcement to identify illegal
immigrants and pursue their
deportation. Advocates worry the
program, known as 287g after the
legal provision that created it,
lacks sufficient oversight to
prevent local officials who
might be prejudiced against
immigrants from targeting them.
Similar concerns are growing
around another program, Secure
Communities, in which the
scanners in cooperating local
jails are set up to
automatically check anyone
fingerprinted against homeland
security databases.